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October 7, 2016

Responding To: Opportunities and Challenges for U.S.-China Collaboration

The New Frontier for Sino-American Relations: Exploring Means of Addressing Climate Change in the Developing World

Micah Musser

Since the 2008 financial crisis, analysts have begun discussing the emerging "Beijing Consensus" as an alternative to the Washington Consensus in the developing world. The growing global economic influence of China can be seen, for instance, in its creation of special economic zones (SEZs) in Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Mauritius, Nigeria, and Zambia, among others. This trend is deeply worrying from an environmental perspective: if the developing world directly copies China's economic history, which resulted in a nearly threefold increase in carbon emissions over the past 15 years, the problems of climate change would be exacerbated to catastrophic levels. Unfortunately, Sino-American interactions on environmental issues are still generally constrained to large international bodies and the occasional bilateral talk.

Although these types of negotiations are crucial to limiting climate change, in order to fully address the issue, China and the United States must begin determined cooperation in the developing world to promote truly sustainable development. In order for any conversation to be fruitful, China must first acknowledge certain realities about its role in the developing world. For instance, weak developing states generally cannot impose environmental regulations on Chinese corporations, which Elizabeth Economy of the Council on Foreign Relations points out "have yet to institutionalize world-class levels of corporate social responsibility."[1] The result is often significant environmental degradation and rampant greenhouse gas emissions. Ironically, as a developing country highly susceptible to the effects of climate change, these practices have a decidedly negative impact on China itself. Thus, a preliminary step for China might be restrictions on corporate actions taken overseas.

In a more cooperative sense, China must recognize that the United States is the global leader on sustainable development expertise, which could be used to promote China's own interests by preventing rapid environmental degradation in the developing world. (A popular example of the literature in this subject can be seen in Jeffrey Sachs' work on economics, including Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet, and, more recently, The Age of Sustainable Development.) Therefore, China should seek to use its economic leverage to advocate for sustainable development by encouraging its economic partners to work with American advisers. When crafting strategic economic partnerships or SEZs, China could request that their partner states establish funds for the purpose of sustainable development, whose use would be guided by American policy experts.

Alternatively, China could use its financial resources to directly provide funds for organizations with expertise in sustainable development, which might then be invested in sustainability projects in regions where Chinese corporations are operating. To the extent that China is willing to invest in development, it seems to want to do so through the new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (described by some as "China's own World Bank"), which has no established expertise on sustainability issues. However, if China wants to actually improve its environmental impact on the world, it should instead support organizations like the World Bank, which has scores of (often American) experts on sustainable development.

From the American perspective, these types of environmentally responsible behaviors should be met with an increased role for China in strategic discussions about the future of the developing world. As an example, the United States could look to expand the role of the Chinese in the United Nations Development Program. Alternatively, the United States could seek engage China more directly by incorporating Chinese experts into the decision-making process of American foreign aid organizations such as the African Development Foundation. These strategies would in effect augment China's international prestige and therefore soft power, which it is severely lacking relative to economic influence.[2] This strategy of international cooperation is not without the potential for problems. For example, China may perceive American advisers in developing countries as a threat to its own influence.

Nonetheless, if the United States rewards China with broader inclusion in strategic talks, then China's soft power and influence actually grows. American politicians may view Chinese inclusion in discussions about foreign aid investment strategies as a de facto endorsement of the Beijing Consensus. However, if China is increasing its economic ties to the developing world, cooperation is more likely to preserve long-term U.S. influence in developing states than either withdrawal or direct competition with China. Using the developing world as a venue for promoting Sino American cooperation on climate change is a novel strategy, so complications would be expected. However, the benefits of this strategy are enormous: Chinese economic leverage is used to preserve American state-guiding influence in the developing world; in return, China is included in more strategic talks and its own soft power is increased. But the largest benefits apply to the entire planet: greenhouse gas emissions are slowed; impoverished countries are provided with additional support for sustainable development; finally, as an added bonus, successful U.S.-China cooperation in the global periphery could promote deeper strategic trust which could make confronting one another's own emissions problems a more feasible goal.

Micah Musser is a sophomore at Georgetown University, majoring in government and economics with a minor in environmental studies. He is also a Carroll Fellow. 


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