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September 30, 2016

Responding To: U.S.- China Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges

U.S.-China Cooperation in Counterterrorism

Richard Chang

As our black Chevrolet with a U.S. diplomatic license plate drove up to the main entrance to the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs headquarters in Beijing, I grew increasingly anxious as to how Chinese officials and diplomats would receive us. Yet as I stepped out of the car with my colleagues—two U.S. Foreign Service officers—and met our Chinese counterparts, I was surprised by their hospitality and friendliness. On behalf of the Department of State, my colleagues and I were on a mission to deliver a démarche. The meeting with our Chinese diplomatic counterparts was to discuss U.S.-China cooperation on stemming the illicit flow of chemical precursors and dual-use bomb components used by terrorists worldwide in improvised explosive devices. The meeting went smoothly, and my interactions with Chinese diplomats and officials gave me deeper hope in the possibilities of greater U.S.-China cooperation.

Last summer, I interned in the political section at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, where I worked on issues ranging from human rights to nuclear nonproliferation. I also worked with U.S. diplomats on developing deliverables in preparation for the Xi-Obama summit in Washington last September. One issue that particularly struck me during my meetings with senior Chinese and U.S. officials was the extent of U.S.-China cooperation in combatting terrorism. In combatting terrorism, the United States and China have more common interests than differences. Given the global nature of terrorism, greater U.S.-China cooperation in combatting terrorism will not only benefit both countries, but also ultimately provide greater security and stability for the global community.

Although China’s resurgence and ambition in the Asia–Pacific seems to be a core driver of regional insecurity, there is a surprising convergence of U.S. and Chinese interests in Eurasia that boils down to one mutual goal: security. From this perspective, Beijing shares Washington’s desires to see a more united counter-terrorism effort and a more stable and secure Afghanistan and Pakistan due primarily to Beijing’s own concerns with Uighur terrorism in Xinjiang. The strength of this view is based on two major factors.

First, China’s recently launched One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR), while growing out of a decades-long agenda to firmly integrate Xinjiang and overcome Uighur separatism through the delivery of economic development, looks set to engage China more directly in the problems of the region. With its focus on the development of trans-regional infrastructure links and investment, such as the “China-Pakistan Economic Corridor,” the OBOR would give China a greater stake in the future security and prosperity of Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Pakistan.

Second, the increasing number of terrorist attacks in Xinjiang, which China has attributed to militants based in the tribal areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan, has arguably revealed to Beijing that it can no longer rely on the partial outsourcing of its security to the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan or the Pakistani military. Instead, Beijing must revise its to-date largely hands-off approach to the security situation in Afghanistan as it pursues the OBOR strategy.

Given that both the United States and China have great incentive to combat terrorism, both countries should work toward an analytical consensus regarding the root causes of, as well as the threats posed by, extremism and terrorism in the Middle East and Central Asia. At the moment, the United States and China may have different views on both the nature of the problem and the challenges it poses. A shared assessment would be the first step in building the foundation for deeper bilateral cooperation. To achieve this, the United States and China should explore the use of high-level mechanisms such as the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue. The two countries should publicly acknowledge and stress their complementary goals and approaches in forging unprecedented economic connectivity and trade through Central Asia. As part of this effort, the United States and China should also discuss ways to further share information and analysis through law enforcement and security institutions regarding the threats posed by transnational terrorist groups. They also should work together to explore ways to build a new security mechanism to reduce the security risks and threats and manage possible crises along the Silk Road based on the ongoing Sino-U.S. cooperation in Afghanistan.

In addition, to addressing the economic underpinnings for regions in the Middle East prone to terrorism, the United States and China should also align regional and bilateral priorities to press for regional transit trade pacts. They could jointly urge regional partners to make progress on transit trade discussions. For example, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan have indicated interest in expanding regional transit trade, and therefore they may be initial partners in opening transit trade discussions. Together, U.S. expertise and Chinese political and economic support can create the incentives for the region’s governments to develop a regional transit trade.

Overall, combatting terrorism is a goal that both the United States and China deeply hold. Despite differences regarding the proper methods and tactics to combat terrorism, both countries should look to their mutual interests in advancing greater security for the global community. Granted, terrorism is a complex issue driven by economic, ideological, and political factors. In the face of growing terrorist groups such as ISIS threatening to instill fear into the lives of millions of individuals, the United States and China should set an example to the global community by cooperating in counter-terrorism efforts.

Richard Chang is a senior at Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs.


COMMENT FROM CALEB HUFFMAN (November 21, 2016):

What an incredible opportunity, interning at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing! Seeing the policy process up close must have been informative. Your observations regarding China and the United States’ mutual interest in fighting terrorism is intuitive.

I do have a few questions. Throughout your essay, you mention that the United States and China disagree on how to fight the root cause of terrorism. You, correctly in my opinion, encourage both countries to come to a consensus on the cause and threat of terrorism. However, from your perspective, what are the differing viewpoints? What does the United States view as the main cause of terrorism? China? What are the countries’ views on the potential threat?

A layout of both the United States’ and China’s current assumptions around the terror threat will greatly strengthen the argument for consensus, as the diverging paths become clear allowing a map to be formed for their convergence.

COMMENT FROM MINGYAN "AMY" DUAN (November 21, 2016):

First, your suspenseful start is successful in capturing attention. Second, drawing from your own experience at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, you're able to deliver an up-to-date and comprehensive analysis of the possibility for U.S.-China cooperation in combating terrorism. I totally agree that terrorism is a complex issue driven by many factors, and I’m glad to see you take almost all factors into consideration while developing your approach, including security, economic connectivity, law enforcement, and regional transit trade. However, your article doesn’t make clear how increased
economic connectivity and trade through Central Asia will contribute to counterterrorism. Richard, I also wish you could explain a little more about the statement, “China’s resurgence and ambition in the Asia–Pacific seems to be a core driver of regional insecurity,” which, if it is true, should be further explored in relation to cooperation in counterterrorism.

COMMENT FROM ZHIHANG DU (November 21, 2016):

Richard, you pointed out the incentives that China might have to cooperate on the Middle East: the One Belt, One Road Initiative, as well as concern over Xinjiang extremists, which I agree with. As China tries to enhance connectivity further inland, its need for the security and stability of that area will increase. Yet, I still have doubts about whether the United States also has abundant interests in Pakistan and Afghanistan, where it has just withdrawn its troops from. I hope you could further elaborate on that.


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